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  <title type="text">Intermountain Histories</title>
  <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:20+00:00</updated>
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    <name>Intermountain Histories</name>
    <uri>https://www.intermountainhistories.org</uri>
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  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Alkali Ridge<br />
]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>Alkali Ridge (Alkali Point) is a National Historic Landmark located in San Juan County near the city Blanding in the state of Utah. The site was found and dug by Archaeologist John O. Brew. The remains in the site show the transition of Ancestral-Pueblo culture from hunter-gatherer to a horticulture lifestyle. (c. 700 C.E – 1150 C.E.)</p></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/2f709ec704253117e79d1bcda0af2973.jpg" alt="Alkali Ridge (Outer stone bricks of ruins)
" /><br/><p>Alkali Ridge (also known as Alkali Point), is one of the sites archaeologist John O. Brew excavated in Utah (1932-1934). The site is near the city Blanding, Utah in the San Juan county (consisting of the southeast corner of Utah). The Four Corners region of the southwest United States was where the ancestral Pueblo or “Anasazi” resided from c.1000 B.C. until c. 1300 A.D. when, for unknown reasons, they left Utah. The Alkali Ridge site contains the remains of a village full of ceramics and pottery pieces. The village spans an area of 240x500 feet and provides an average density of 200 remain sites (ruins, pottery) per square mile. </p><p>The site has a wide time range due to the ruins spanning from the Basketmaker III period (c.450 C.E.-750 C.E.) until the Pueblo II period (c.900 C.E.- 1150 C.E). The site shows the transition from pit dwellings, a time when the Anasazi culture were hunter and gatherers, to a change to surface homes and a horticultural lifestyle. Also found are several cliff dwellings, structures built into the sides of cliffs with walls and covers. The village consisted of about 185 units, situated in four rows. The older buildings and pit structures were built from mixtures of mud and water, formed into bricks. Newer buildings began using better stone masonry. Each group had a newer pit structure called a kiva, which served for ceremonial and communal purposes. These newer pit structures were often deeper than their predecessors and had a room that connected to the main chamber. Several rooms were used for the storage of corn. Ceramics of varying style can be found throughout the ruins. Roads (though worn terribly down by time) link the various cluster of villages in this area and are thought to have served the purpose of trade connections to the other scattered villages of the Puebloan I-II periods c.750 C.E. to c.1150 C.E. </p><p>Alkali Ridge was made a National Historic Landmark in 1964. It is under the jurisdiction of the Blanding Bureau of Land Management.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/306">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2019-02-15T09:54:52+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:05+00:00</updated>
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    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/306</id>
    <author>
      <name>McKay Morris, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Battle of Diamond Fork]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>A raid in Maple Canyon turned into a short battle. This battle, leaving eight dead, is representative of the character of the Black Hawk War in Utah County.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/85c8e01e353c7e050a8d9157aa8ffb59.jpg" alt="Battlefield" /><br/><p>Before daybreak on June 26, 1866, a party of Timpanogos and Utes—led by Mountain, a Colorado Ute chief—seized around fifty animals, a mix of cattle and horses, from Mapleton, Utah. It was in the middle of Black Hawk’s War, and the Native American party hoped they had achieved a meaningful victory. After driving the animals through a canyon to Little Diamond Creek and feeling they had made a clean getaway, the Native American group took a break in a clear, open field near the convergence of the Little Diamond and Diamond Fork rivers to graze their horses.
However, while the horses were grazing, militiamen roused from Springville surprised the indigenous group and cut off their escape route. Knowing they had no other way to escape, the Timpanogos retaliated, and the militiamen took cover in a grove of trees and fired on the Timpanogos. Both sides fired on each other to little avail for a few hours, and Mountain taunted the militiamen, calling out Albert Dimmick specifically as a “coward and a squaw.” Dimmick furiously stood up, out of his cover, and a Native American immediately got a hit on him. Injured, Dimmick died a few hours later.
Reinforcements from Spanish Fork came to support the Springville militiamen, further pinning the Timpanogos raiders in the brush. Both the Native Americans and the militiamen tried to spread out and surround the other, but only the settlers succeeded. Pinned between two groups of enemies, the Native Americans stopped fighting—until a leader, most likely Mountain, raised a crest above them and urged them to fight on. At his appearance, the militiamen fired until he slumped in his horse and rode away. As their leader retreated, so did the rest of the Timpanogos and Utes, heading up the steep sides of the canyon and abandoning the captured animals to save their lives.
Later, the militiamen found out from Native American contacts that they had killed five or six Utes in the battle. A second militiaman, this one from Spanish Fork, a hotheaded youth of eighteen years, Jonathan Edmiston, had also been killed when he rushed into the middle of the Timpanogos to try to reach the Springville militia’s captain. His fellow soldiers had lost track of him in the brush, and after the raiding party retreated with their wounded and dead, they searched unsuccessfully for his body. The following day, a search party returned to the battleground and found Edmiston’s scalped corpse. This exchange is demonstrative of the scattered battles of the Black Hawk War in Utah.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/630">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2022-06-30T23:20:52+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:13+00:00</updated>
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    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/630</id>
    <author>
      <name>Will Anderson, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Beginnings of Big Cottonwood Canyon: Brighton Village&#039;s Forerunner, William S. Brighton]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>William Stuart Brighton felt pulled to emigrate to America from Scotland with his young family in 1855. After a pioneer journey westward, he went on to establish mining rights in Big Cottonwood Canyon, and later build the Brighton Hotel. His contributions to the early days of Big Cottonwood Canyon led to a bustling canyon for summer recreationists in the late-19th century and a thriving ski resort village today.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/1627f38e1dc242119d9c0d7d2d61d269.jpg" alt="Early Brighton Home" /><br/><p>Before there was a ski resort, homes, and a fire station at the head of Big Cottonwood Canyon, there was a tract of wild land open for use. William Stuart Brighton established Brighton Camp, and then Brighton Village. William Brighton, his wife Catherine, their two children Janet and Mary, and his sister Annie, came to America from Scotland in 1855, and traveled west in 1857. They experienced a difficult journey, burying Mary at sea and little Janet walking barefoot across the plains. The Brighton family created a famous center for recreation and leisure when they built Brighton Hotel. Their contributions made a significant difference in Salt Lake society, with visitors flocking to the mountains for good food, dancing, and beautiful scenery. </p><p>William Brighton stood with his colleague, Joseph Elder, at the top of Big Cottonwood Canyon in 1870 and drew lots to see who would claim mining rights in Little or Big Cottonwood Canyons. Brighton drew Big Cottonwood Canyon. He brought his family, which had grown to include sons Robert Alexander, William Henry, Thomas Bow, and Daniel H., to the area, at first living in a tent, but by 1872 had built a one-room cabin. A mining boom in the Alta area brought many miners through their land, going between Park City and Alta, and the Brightons began to host them. The miners liked Catherine’s cooking, and eventually persuaded the couple to build Brighton Hotel in 1874 to more formally host their many visitors. The Brighton Hotel quickly became a popular summer destination, hosting some of the most prominent Salt Lake people. The area was a romantic escape from the hustle and bustle of the city below, and was described as having excellent fishing and beautiful wildflowers, and its scenery inspired many. The family often hosted bonfires and dances for the whole canyon, where they enjoyed listening to the fiddle and the accordion. Popular lakes around the hotel were named by the Brightons and other residents of the canyon; for example, it is said that the German artist Bornimann named Lake Catherine after Catherine Brighton, who renamed Dog Lake to Silver Lake, due to the way that it shimmered in the early morning. </p><p>By 1895, the Brightons had opened a small store, a post office, and second hotel. They also had the only telephone in whole canyon. The canyon swelled with summer visitors, drawn to the beauty of the mountains and the hospitality of the Brightons. Sadly, in 1894, Catherine died of a heart attack, with William passing away nine months later, in 1895, of blood poisoning from an infected sliver in his finger. The Brightons’ contribution to the canyon as a place of recreation and inspiration is unequaled and is of sure sentimental value to the history of Big Cottonwood Canyon.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/96">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2018-01-16T19:34:27+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:59+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/96"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/96</id>
    <author>
      <name>Abigail Clayton, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Brigham Young Academy]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>Since the founding of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Mormons have emphasized the importance of education. An 1832-33 revelation given by Joseph Smith stated that church members were to learn not just religious doctrines, but "Of things both in heaven and in the earth, and under the earth; things which have been, things which are, things which must shortly come to pass; things which are at home, things which are abroad; the wars and the perplexities of the nations, and the judgments which are on the land; and a knowledge also of countries and of kingdoms." In 1876, the LDS Church founded an Academy to accomplish that goal. </em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/aa0fd4e6a984449347cb9be2067e35d6.jpg" alt="Brigham Young Academy " /><br/><p>In the mid-nineteenth century, Mormon leaders became concerned when the youth in their church began attending missionary schools sponsored by other Christian denominations. They wanted their youth to obtain quality educations, but to do so from faithful LDS teachers. On October 16, 1875, Brigham Young moved forward with his educational goals for the Church by purchasing the Timpanogos branch of the University of Deseret in order to found Brigham Young Academy. Young declared that this school would teach secular and religious knowledge.</p><p>January 3, 1876 marks the first day of classes at Brigham Young Academy, with a meager 29 students registered.  Karl G. Maeser served as the first permanent principal of BYA from 1876-1892. He used his talent in education and faith in God to transform the school. When he arrived at BYA, he remarked, “There were no records, not much system, and certainly no regularity." He found the "premises inadequate, the facilities limited, students few in number and poorly prepared, and financial conditions exceedingly discouraging."  Fortunately, Maeser was ready for the challenge. He trained teachers, taught classes, and enforced a strict list of rules for behavior. Under his leadership, BYA flourished scholastically. </p><p>In January of 1892, Benjamin Cluff was made BYA’s new principal. BYA’s financial situation was at an all-time low, but Cluff worked diligently through continual fundraisers to keep the school afloat. However, despite his best efforts, Cluff knew that the only way to truly save the school was to have the Academy incorporated by the Church. Despite the Church being in its own precarious financial situation, it had invested too much into BYA to see it disappear, and they agreed to take on financial responsibility for the school. Because of Principal Cluff, BYA was saved. In 1903 BYA was changed to Brigham Young University, and to this day pursues the stated goal of providing education that is spiritually strengthening, intellectually enlarging, character building, and that leads to lifelong learning and service.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/2">For more (including 6 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-01-10T21:00:56+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:57+00:00</updated>
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    <author>
      <name>Ezra Anderson, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Community and Construction of the St. George Temple]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/a7740075124b728e132835b7e00989be.jpg" alt="St. George Temple Before Sunset" /><br/><p>Brigham Young, with hopes of encouraging self-sufficiency within the church, called Mormon pioneers to settle southern Utah, a desolate desert. Though they established a growing community, and soon joined together to build an LDS Temple. The building of the temple served to unite the fledgling community.  The temple construction was no easy feat, as the ground for the site chosen by Brigham Young was marshy; thus the Saints had to pack lava rock tightly by pounding it with a lead-filled cannon in order to build a safe enough foundation.  Members volunteered one out of 10 days to work; women made drapery and clothing for the men; families donated time, labor, china dishes, and sometimes, even hair (as the stories go). The framing of such an incredible building was a massive undertaking in design and was only possible as members and non-members alike worked together to create a place to worship the Lord. </p><p>The first design of the temple steeple was, as Brigham Young described it, “short” and “squatty”  However, the temple was almost completed so they chose to keep it.  A year later on an October afternoon, after Brigham Young’s death, a huge lightning storm overtook St. George, and lightning caught the steeple on fire. The rain put the fire out, but the steeple was destroyed while the rest of the roof and walls were left perfectly intact. Needless to say, when they rebuilt it they built the steeple taller, possibly hoping to appease Brigham Young.  The construction of the whole temple took about 7 years, and it facilitated building of more housing for the influx of workers; economically improved the community through work at sawmills, wood camps, and stone quarries; and equalized the financial situation of everyone. George A. Smith said, “We were united in everything we did in those days. We had no rich, nor poor.”  </p><p>Brigham Young said about the LDS members in southern Utah, “I will say that we have had a blessed time, such a time as no other people on the earth have enjoyed for many centuries, that we have any knowledge of.”  The building of the St. George temple, the trials, the joys, and the sacrifice created a unified foundation on which the rest of St. George’s growth was built upon. </p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/6">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-01-10T23:10:12+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:57+00:00</updated>
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    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/6</id>
    <author>
      <name>Mikell Smith, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Danger Cave]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>Formed by the waves of Lake Bonneville, Danger Cave served as the home to Native American as far back as 11,000 years.  The excavation of Danger Cave by a University of Utah archaeological team in the mid-20th century has given us unique insight to the lives of those Native people who survived in the harsh desert climate of the Great Basin.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/10c11ecad6c13f685f449f95dfb39142.jpg" alt="Danger Cave Fenced Off" /><br/><p>The barren deserts of North America have always been viewed with fascination due to the lack of natural resources. Early human survival in this region was extremely hard, and the mid-20th century excavation of Danger Cave greatly expanded understanding of regional history. Danger cave is an archaeological site located in the Bonneville Basin of western Utah, north of Wendover and west of the Bonneville Salt Flats. Danger Cave State Park Heritage Area became a National Historic Landmark in 1961 and a state park in 1968. This cave is one of the most significant archaeological sites in North America because it reshaped the way that we think about Utah’s Native peoples.</p><p>Danger Cave was formed about 13,000 years ago under the waves of Lake Bonneville. When the water levels of the lake lowered, people began living in the cave. Native Americans are thought to have begun living inside of this cave about 11,000 years ago, right after the end of the Ice Age. It had been inhabited by different native people consistently after that, so archaeologists discovered layers and layers of artifacts in this cave. These native people left behind fascinating evidence of their existence inside of Danger Cave. </p><p>Despite the challenging working conditions in the cave, which included dust and heat, the cave was excavated throughout the 1940s and 1950s by anthropology students attending the University of Utah. Jesse Jennings was a faculty member at the University who led the exaction project that has reshaped the way we think of the early people of the Great Basin. The large amount of artifacts found makes it one of the most important sites in North American history and gives us a better idea of how early Native Americans survived in the barren desert of western Utah. </p><p>The extremely dry climate in the cave made it a perfect place to store artifacts and human remains for over 11,000 years. Inside of the cave textiles, baskets, pottery, animal bones, plant remains, weapons, chipped stones, and leather scraps were all found. Radio-carbon dating proved this site to be one of the oldest known Native American sites in North America. </p><p>The artifacts and data collected from Danger Cave taught us about the previously unknown ancient cultures of the western deserts. Findings in the cave suggest that these people lived in relatively small groups of 15-30 individuals, that consist mostly of extended families. The search for food was what dictated their lives, and these groups moved around constantly searching and they had little time for leisure activities. They had no building projects and no complicated rituals. The main focus of their lives were to survive and to have enough food. </p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/95">For more (including 4 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2018-01-16T18:22:15+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:59+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/95"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/95</id>
    <author>
      <name>Ashley Olson, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Emigration Canyon: The Arrival of the Saints]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>In late July, 1847, the first party of Mormon pioneers entered the Salt Lake Valley, traveling through Emigration Canyon in the Wasatch Mountains. Within two days, the pioneers erected a permanent settlement at City Creek, near modern-day Temple Square in Salt Lake City. The arrival of the Mormons commenced a new era of history in Utah, attracting thousands of eager Mormon settlers to cultivate and transform the land. </em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/98f4d1a60528ad40bcbebc195b6bd91f.jpg" alt="Emigration Canyon" /><br/><p>On July 21st, 1847, after a grueling journey of 108 days, Erastus Snow and Orson Pratt had the distinction of being the first Mormon pioneers to descend from Emigration Canyon into the Salt Lake Valley, after following the remnants of a rough road through the Wasatch Mountains most recently blazed by the Donner-Reed Party. Pratt’s words capture the grandeur of that moment, “After issuing from the mountains . . . and beholding, in a moment, such an extensive scenery open before us, we could not refrain from a shout of joy . . . the grand and lovely scenery was in our view”. Although the Mormons were not the first Euro-Americans, or even emigrants, to pass through Emigration Canyon into the Salt Lake Valley, their arrival represented a dynamic transition in the history of Utah, which the Mormons would dominate from that point onward. </p><p>The day after Snow and Pratt first glimpsed and scouted the valley, the Mormon pioneers already began to reshape both the route through Emigration Canyon and the valley itself. On July 22nd, a crew from the advance wagon party lead by Stephen Markham cut a road through Donner Hill in just four hours, creating quick and suitable route around the hill that taxed the Donner-Reed Party’s animals the previous year. On the same day, led by Orson Pratt, eight members of the advance party made their way down into the Salt Lake Valley to locate a suitable location for planting. Finding the soil to be more fertile closer to the mouth of Emigration Canyon, the party discovered an area near City Creek, a “beautiful creek of pure water” according to Pratt, that would become the first settling point for the Mormon pioneers. On July 23rd, while the advance company began plowing acres of land and damming City Creek, Brigham Young, ill with “mountain fever”, made the journey over Little and Big Mountains and camped near what Orson Pratt called Last Creek, prepared to take the final 6 miles of the journey the following day.</p><p>On July 24th, now celebrated as Pioneer Day, the ailing Brigham Young descended into the Salt Lake Valley in one of Wilford Woodruff’s wagons, entering sometime after noon, and as recorded in Woodruff’s journal, “expressed his full satisfaction in the Appearance of the valley as A resting place for the Saints.” Brigham Young triumphantly entered the City Creek camp at 2 PM, finding 5 acres of potatoes planted, which the Saints irrigated at noon from the creek, thus beginning the great work of molding the Salt Lake Valley into a suitable home for the Mormons. Although the infamous words of Brigham Young, “this is the place” were not recorded until 33 years later by Wilford Woodruff in a speech commemorating the Mormon church’s 50th anniversary, “This is the Place” monument, completed in 1947 by Brigham Young’s grandson Mahonri Young, immortalized the Mormons’ arrival into the Salt Lake Valley on those July days in 1847, which would transform the land and history of Utah forever.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/48">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-05-24T01:05:38+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:58+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/48"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/48</id>
    <author>
      <name>Luke Eckstrom, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Escape and Death at Topaz]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>A general description of the camp of Topaz and the story of attempted escape and death.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/5214fd4fe0ca6f426e3bd8d3097e073a.jpg" alt="Monument at Topaz Camp Site" /><br/><p>Japanese internment reached its long fingers deep into the interior states of the U.S. not sparing the state of Utah.  Utah's contribution to this program came in the form of Topaz.  Located 15 miles from Delta, Utah, Topaz was created by the War Relocation Agency to house up to 9,000 evacuees.  It would, at its peak, reach a total population 8,232 individuals, and, over the course of its life, Topaz would serve as the home for 11,212 individuals.  These first groups of individuals came mostly from the Tanforan race track that had been converted temporarily into an internment camp.  They were moved into the camp beginning on September 11, 1942.  The camp was constructed in blocks with 34 blocks being devoted to residencies and 8 being administrative, including a hospital built on the site .  Overall, Topaz appeared as a well-developed city with schools, libraries, churches, and other features of a normal community .</p><p>The lack of normalcy in this community was encapsulated by a single event in 1943.  An older gentleman, James Wakasa, was killed while allegedly trying to escape from the camp by crawling under the barbed wire fence.  The local newspaper reported the initial story, that Wakasa had been attempting this escape and was warned four times by the guard before he was fatally shot .  However, a later report by the military showed that he had in fact been standing near the fence when he was shot.  Further investigation revealed that many of the military personnel assigned to guard the camp were combat veterans and this particular guard had seen time in the Pacific, perhaps compromising his objective judgment.  The death of Wakasa brought to the forefront the inherent tensions that existed within the camp between the Japanese American evacuees and the Caucasian administration.  Despite efforts made within the leadership of the camp to eliminate this form of distrust, the fact that the war was still going on and Caucasian Americans were distrustful of most Japanese Americans, citizens or not, was one that could not be passed over lightly.</p><p>In a cruel irony of wartime circumstances, Utah became a place not for refugees as it had been for Mormon Pioneers in the nineteenth century, but one for prisoners of war within their own country.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/8">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-01-10T23:57:31+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:58+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/8"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/8</id>
    <author>
      <name>Benjamin Sowards, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Ferron, Emery County, Utah: A History of Early Settlement]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em><span style="font-weight:400;">Ferron, Utah, fixed east of the Wasatch Plateau and west of the San Rafael Swell, in Emery County, was the last major area Brigham Young had called people to settle before he passed away in August 1877. The letter came to Saints in Sanpete County to go east over the Wasatch Mountains and settle in Castle Valley.</span></em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/aae7faea418932abc510d9073c3d522c.jpg" alt="[Untitled]" /><br/><p><span style="font-weight:400;">The need for expansion into Castle Valley came from Utah’s population rise in the late 19</span><span style="font-weight:400;">th</span><span style="font-weight:400;"> century. Every inch of habitable land needed to be used to ease the rapidly increasing population. Brigham Young called settlers in Sanpete County to move to Castle Valley.  This area was explored as early as 1776 when Domingues and Escalante traveled into Utah; they passed through modern day Castle Dale, ten miles north of Ferron on the Old Spanish Trail. Today I-70 follows parts of the Old Spanish Trail that cuts through the San Rafael Swell.</span>
<span style="font-weight:400;">As Edward Geary has written, “Few places on earth could have looked less promising for settlement than Castle Valley in 1877.” Three years after Brigham Young’s letter to the residents of Sanpete Valley, Ferron’s population had grown to 90 in 1880. On coming to the Castle Valley, Mary Ann Rowbury Brown said, “We endured willingly many hardships and cheerfully made sacrifices in order to carry on what we sincerely believed to be God’s works in subduing a desert and advancing civilization.”</span>
<span style="font-weight:400;">The state and federal governments created incentives to help cultivate land across the nation and encourage westward expansion. In 1862, the Homestead Act gave settlers 160 acres for a small registration fee if they developed the land and improved it. In 1878, the amended Timber Culture Act also gave a way to get more land if one would plant 10 acres of trees on their given acreage. The Timber Culture Act was the way one Ferron settler, John Lemon, obtained his land. Homesteading and farming was the norm in the beginnings of Ferron. Lowry Nelson, an early resident of Ferron, said, “Precipitation was so scant that plant life was limited, except along the creek bottoms.” </span>
<span style="font-weight:400;">In the late 1870’s mining began to boom in Emery County and Carbon County. This boom created jobs for people in the area, not just in the coal mines, but created a market that was not there before for farming, creating a demand for produce. Coal mining also boosted the erection of the Hunter and Huntington Power Plants in the 1970s and 1980s.</span>
<span style="font-weight:400;">Aside from farming, livestock was a fruitful business. The unique geography of Castle Valley made raising livestock a minimal expense. In the summers one could free range cattle, horses, or sheep up in the mountains and in the winter bring them down from the mountain and leave them on the desert range. Fruit farming in Ferron also began early. The growing season was tough in Emery County for fruit trees, but Ferron’s southern exposure, and deep, well-drained soil made it the best place to grow fruit in Castle Valley.” The tradition of raising livestock and planting peach orchards has continued today and is a big part of the culture in the area today. Each summer Ferron holds The Southeastern Utah Junior Livestock Show and has an annual Peach Days celebration held at the beginning of September during prime peach season. </span></p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/886">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2025-01-29T02:01:48+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:20+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/886"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/886</id>
    <author>
      <name>Mason Saili Faimalo, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[From Fossils to Conservation: Dinosaur National Monument]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>One of the most unique National Parks or Monuments in Utah, Dinosaur National Monument, is home to an enormous fossil quarry. It was also the center of an environmental controversy over reclamation and dam construction in the 1950s.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/318fadb436f495a4195e8c42e66aa223.jpg" alt="Dinosaur National Monument East Entrance" /><br/><p>Dinosaur National Monument consists of over 210 acres of mostly uninhabited land owned by the federal government, 91% of which is managed as Recommended Wilderness. Dinosaur National Monument is unlike the other National Parks Service land in Utah. It is home to almost 26 full dinosaur skeletons from over 10 different species. These fossils were discovered in 1909 by Professor Earl Douglass from Carnegie Museum, who was responsible for excavating the fossils in the quarry. Given that these fossils are 150 million years old, the area was declared a National Monument in 1915 in order to protect the fossils and keep the quarry intact. In 1938, the land of the national monument was expanded to protect the canyons of the Green and Yampa rivers. The National Monument land is not only home to these dinosaurs, but it was home to prehistoric people and archaeological sites as well.</p><p>Fremont Indians inhabited the area for hundreds of years (approximately 200-1300 AD). They have left their mark on the territory, similar to the dinosaurs. There is an abundance of petroglyphs and pictographs within the monument boundaries. Many of these ancient drawings are of animals and other things the Fremont Indians would have interacted with. It is unclear as to why exactly these people left their mark in this way, but they have stood the test of time to show us of their existence in eastern Utah. Other tribes have also inhabited the area since this time, including the Ute and Shoshone tribes. Prior to 20th excavation, the area was also traversed by the  Domínguez-Escalante Expedition in 1776. </p><p>In the early 1950s the Bureau of Reclamation proposed the building of a dam on Echo Park, which is located on the Green River in the National Monument. Many conservationists fought against this proposal because land owned by the National Park Service was not allocated for development. Fortunately for the National Monument, the Council of Conservationists were able to shut down the proposal after six years and dozens of publications. Dams were then built in Glen Canyon and Flaming Gorge to avoid being on any National Park Service land, particularly Dinosaur National Monument. Today the National Monument stands as a reminder of extinct prehistoric creatures, ancient civilizations, and environmental conservation.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/40">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-05-02T21:43:47+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:58+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/40"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/40</id>
    <author>
      <name>Nicole Anderson, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Fruita Schoolhouse: Learning and Community]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>Capitol Reef National Park is one of the greatest hidden gems of Central Utah, home to fossils, beautiful hikes, and several historical sites. Of these historical sites, one of the most popular is the Fruita Schoolhouse, a physical memory of what life was like in humble, nineteenth-century Fruita.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/fdf1c72a53ae4ee8430fc91744c589cd.jpg" alt="Step into the past" /><br/><p>In 1893, historian Frederick Jackson Turner famously claimed the year 1890, three years prior, marked the closing of the American Frontier. It seemed in the 1890s that America’s expansionist spirit was shifting from the continental Wild West to locations abroad such as Cuba and the Philippines, pivoting away from consolidating a land empire and toward questing for a sea empire. Pioneers in Fruita, Utah, however, were still preoccupied in the 1890s with frontier processes. Although they had secured their isolated, red rock land, even in 1890 their community lacked important infrastructure such as education, a postal service, and a building for worship.
As they settled in and secured the land, the pioneers were able to gather sufficient time and organization to put together more of a society, beginning with an education system. Nettie Behunin, a young girl 12 years of age, became one of the first teachers.  Nettie might not have been a truly qualified teacher by twenty-first-century standards—or perhaps even by her own—but her endeavors marked the beginning of the first community project in the area: the schoolhouse.
In a collection of childhood memories of Fruita, Clay M. Robinson reflects on his experience as a young boy in the newly built Fruita schoolhouse as his mother was the teacher at the school during his childhood. He writes, “Most vivid of all in those memories, are Mama and the little one-room sawed-log Fruita school where she taught all eight grades in the years 1925–1927.” He also mentioned that the schoolhouse was used for Sunday church services and Sunday School—most of Fruita were members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, or Mormons—because there was no dedicated chapel in Fruita. Since residents could rearrange the in the schoolhouse, the small building served as a community center that could host different events like dances, box socials, knitting group meetings, and gatherings for men and young boys who enjoyed baseball. The Fruita schoolhouse evidently served as a center of the community, where the small number of settlers could gather to enjoy each other’s company.
The Fruita schoolhouse still stands today. Tourists can easily see it as they drive through the park since it is located just to the side of the highway. At times the Park Service offers tours in the old schoolhouse that allow small children to briefly roleplay pioneer school life. This schoolhouse represents the first community building of the Fruita settlement, as well as a reminder of what life was like for the small community of Latter-day Saint settlers.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/632">For more (including 4 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2022-07-01T01:26:07+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:13+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/632"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/632</id>
    <author>
      <name>Rachelle E. Robins, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Hogup Cave]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>Hogup Cave provided shelter for people who hunted and gathered in the surrounding area as part of a cyclical migration. The findings at the cave provide a small glimpse of a complex and enduring culture that lasted for thousands of years.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/5603ff72330b9812961c5cc4c79cfedf.jpg" alt="Outside the entrance to Hogup Cave" /><br/><p>Somewhat overshadowed by the more well-known Danger Cave, Hogup Cave provides some of the same enigmas presented by Danger Cave, such as the struggle for life in the harsh environment. Excavated by Dr. C. Melvin Aikens of the University of Utah in 1967 and 1968, the archeological evidence recovered from the cave—dating back as far as 6,000 BCE—shows a desert culture in line with Native peoples of the time. Starch granules found on artifacts show the use of small scale gathering, and a prevalence of projectile points show the importance of hunting, with bighorn sheep and pronghorns acting as the prey. Both findings suggest a nomadic people who used the cave periodically while hunting on the surrounding land. The cave came to be used cross-culturally, as is seen in the evidence for the replacement (rather than assimilation) of Fremont peoples by Numic speaking groups. Fremont artifacts do not continue past Unit III (400–1350 CE), and Numic artifacts start to appear in Unit IV (1350–1850 CE).
Because the history of the cave extends back to 6000 BCE, it was an important find for understanding the ancient desert cultures put forth by Jesse Jennings in his excavation of Danger Cave, an archaeological dig site about 65 miles away from Hogup Cave. Hogup Cave provides more evidence supporting Jennings’s challenge to Ernest Antevs’ theory of widespread drought during the time of its occupation, showing how discoveries such as the one at Hogup also inspire questions relating to cultural ecology, asking to what extent environment impacts these cultures.
Not much information is available about the caves aside from the excavation done by the University of Utah and the writeups done by project supervisor C. Melvin Aikens. Such writings make up the bulk of the scholarly work, and artifacts from the excavation can be found at the university’s Museum of Natural History. But the discovery of the cave itself remains somewhat a mystery. Local folklore and oral histories point to Orval Evans discovering the cave in the 1930s, while the University of Utah eventually learned about Hogup Cave by hearing about subsequent expeditions. This story reflects the accidentalism and amateur archeological enthusiasm that sometimes surrounds archeological discovery in Utah.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/490">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2021-09-18T01:51:12+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:10+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/490"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/490</id>
    <author>
      <name>Drew Holley, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Iosepa: Utah’s Little Hawai&#039;i]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>Far from their island home, Hawaiian converts to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints established a short-lived, but unique community in the Utah desert during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/d8d3edd3fe52f4ac5a720da7694b3a73.jpg" alt="Iosepa Residents Celebrating Pioneer Day in 1913. " /><br/><p>“Gathering” was an important concept in early Mormon theology. Converts to the church were encouraged to make their way to Utah so they could gather with the saints and participate in ordinances that were only available in the temples in Utah. Though missionaries had first arrived in Hawai'i in 1850, Hawaiian converts were barred by strict emigration laws from emigrating to America until the 1880s. Once Hawaii relaxed their emigration laws, Hawaiian converts began to migrate to Salt Lake City. However, because of a lack of employment opportunities for the Hawaiians, cultural differences, and a growing fear in Salt Lake City of leprosy being brought over from Hawaii, it soon became apparent that the Hawaiians would need a separate settlement. In 1889 the church bought the ranch of John T. Rich in Tooele County’s Skull Valley to use as the site for the Hawaiian settlement. On August 28, fifty-two Hawaiians arrived at their new home in Skull Valley. The settlement was named Iosepa after Joseph F. Smith, a member of the church’s first presidency who had been a missionary in Hawaii.   </p><p>To get around the provision in the Edmunds-Tucker Act that prohibited the Church from owning property valued over $50,000, Iosepa operated as a joint-stock company known as the Iosepa Agricultural and Stock Company, with several white Mormon men as shareholders. Hawaiian settlers began raising livestock and planting crops such as corn and wheat in Iosepa. While living in Iosepa, the residents faced the trials that naturally accompanied settling and farming in the Great Basin such as unexpected weather, crop failure, illness, and having enough water for their crops and daily needs. Despite these difficulties, the Hawaiian settlers managed to create a little Hawai'i in the Utah desert. They raised carp and grew algae as a substitute for seaweed in a nearby reservoir. They used corn husks as a replacement for Hawaiian ti leaves to wrap pork. They spoke Hawaiian and sang Hawaiian hymns in their church meetings. Each year they celebrated their own Pioneer Day on the anniversary of the settlement’s founding with a traditional Hawaiian feast. The Hawaiian converts also helped build the Salt Lake temple and consistently made the journey to Salt Lake City to attend the temple once it was dedicated. While the Tooele desert could not be more different from the tropical island environment of Hawaii, the settlers of Iosepa found ways to adapt to their new surroundings and participate in the religion that was so important to them.</p><p>In 1915 the church announced their plans to build a temple in Hawai'i. Joseph F. Smith encouraged the Hawaiian saints in Utah to return to Hawai'i to help with the temple and promised that the church would help pay the settlers’ traveling expenses. This essentially dissolved the community at Iosepa as almost all the settlers between 1915 and 1917 sold their property and possessions back to the Iosepa Agricultural and Stock Company and returned to the island. Though Iosepa only lasted a little over twenty-five years, it stands out in Utah’s history as being the first place in the state to be settled by non-European emigrants. Iosepa continues to be an important place for Pacific Islanders today, who gather in Iosepa each Memorial Day to commemorate Utah’s first Polynesian community. </p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/388">For more (including 4 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2020-02-15T04:34:51+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:07+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/388"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/388</id>
    <author>
      <name>Hannah Chapman, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Isaac Chase Mill]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>The Isaac Chase Mill stands as monument to pioneer industry and innovation. It remains as a symbol of pioneer strength and their hopes for their future in the Salt Lake Valley. While not used for much more than a shed now, this monument, recognized by the state, stands as a reminder of Utah’s heritage. </em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/6e5c2212eeb6bd30cbf409242f981d56.jpg" alt="Isaac Chase Mill, 1968" /><br/><p>The Isaac Chase Mill is the oldest commercial building still standing in Utah. The mill was built beginning in 1847 when the second group of Latter-day Saints arrived in the Salt Lake Valley and was finished in 1852. The mill was made by Isaac Chase who had been a successful miller in his home state of New York as well as in Nauvoo after he had been baptized into the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Isaac took the trek west in 1847 with his family, including his 13-year-old daughter who drove the wagon that had the gristmill equipment. It was with this equipment that he was able to create his mill which became one of the first in Utah. In 1854, after two years of the mill’s operation, Brigham Young joined Isaac Chase and became his partner in the mill’s production. Chase continued as a miller for the next six years before selling his share of the mill to Brigham Young in exchange for a cabin in Centerville, Utah in 1859. The mill then became known to most as Brigham Young’s lower mill as he already owned a mill further north in Salt Lake City. </p><p>The mill became well known due to the famine of 1856-1857. During the famine, Isaac Chase’s mill provided free flour to the people of the valley, helping them survive and saving numerous families. Before Brigham Young’s death, he said he wished the land on which the mill stood to be sold to the city for the lowest possible price. On April 20, 1881 Salt Lake City purchased 100 acres of land from the Brigham Young estate which included the Chase Mill. Today the mill stands as a historic monument at Liberty Park, which was once known as Mill Farm in honor of the Isaac Chase Mill.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/386">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2020-02-13T00:29:06+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:07+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/386"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/386</id>
    <author>
      <name>Chase Barfuss, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Japanese Youth at Topaz]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/f8d2cdcd9325fab8e55f03f687e7b6ad.jpg" alt="WRA Pre-school" /><br/><p>The young, second-generation Japanese immigrants (Nisei) relocated to the Topaz Mountain Internment Camp during World War II faced a unique challenge. Born in American to the children of Japanese immigrants, they were forced to negotiate between being legal citizens and being seen as outsiders. After Pearl Harbor in 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 creating the Military Exclusion Zones along the Pacific Coast. The order pushed 120,000 Japanese out of their homes and into internment camps, including Topaz. The intention was to protect America against any immigrants whose allegiance was still with Japan. The youth were directly confronted with the issue in the form of the Loyalty Exam. Two of the questions read, “Are you willing to serve in the armed forces of the United States on combat duty, wherever ordered?” and, “Will you swear unqualified allegiance to the United States of America . . . and foreswear any form of allegiance to the Japanese emperor, to any other foreign government, power, or organization?” These questions were the basis of the “Yes-Yes” and “No-No” groups that caused division among their age group and all within the camp. </p><p>The forced relocation led Japanese young people like Miné Okubo and Yoshiko Uchida to turn to art, journals, and letters to compile the effects the movement had on Japanese family structure and their own dreams of education or social advancement. These forms of communication expressed a worry for their people, confusing and hurt over being sent to internment camps, and the desire to still support the America they had been born into. This extended into subsequent post-war Sansei generations as well. <a href="https://www.rasasaki.com/about/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">R. A. Sasaki</a>, a third-generation San Franciscan, captured this desire in her short story American Fish. The main character, Mrs. Hayashi, is asked by an old acquaintance, Mrs. Nakamoto, why Mrs. Hayashi’s parents stayed in the United States after Pearl Harbor. Mrs. Hayashi answered simply, “I guess they knew that we, I mean my brothers and sisters and I would never want to go to Japan. I mean we were born here. We belonged here. And they wanted the family to stay together.” </p><p>Despite their circumstances, Japanese-American youth held on to the hope of an America that offered opportunity. They created from scratch, along with teachers and administrators, a successful school with limited resources. In fact, many of the students complained in interviews later in life about the lack of credible teachers and resources. The draw to a world they had grown up in, like Yoshiko Uchida who continually applied to go to college while in Topaz, highlighted the difficult situation these Japanese Americans were in. They believed in a nation who could give them everything, but were left to wonder why they were building their own prison walls when they were more than willing to fight for the nation that they were both “born” to and “belonged” in.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/167">For more (including 6 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2018-05-11T20:13:25+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:02+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/167"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/167</id>
    <author>
      <name>Chad Weight and Alex Hauber, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Lehi Pioneer Cemetery]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>The oldest cemetery in Lehi, Utah provides a rich history of the people and culture of Lehi. </em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/d5a099a9b3cc6831582125a5a9e7dc7b.jpg" alt="Eastern View of Monument and Park" /><br/><p>The Lehi Pioneer Cemetery was the first settler cemetery in the Lehi area. When the citizens first started using this land as a cemetery in 1851, it was public land. Thomas R. Jones acquired the property through the Homestead Act of 1862, but quickly deeded it to the city for its continued use as a cemetery. Although most of the records for the cemetery prior to 1895 have been lost, evidence exists proving that a pioneer who died at the age of seventy-five was the first man to be buried in this land. It is also evident that along with the many early settlers that died of natural causes there were a few murder victims buried in the Lehi Pioneer Cemetery, such as the Lehi schoolteacher, George William Thurmond, who was killed by one of his students while trying to decorate a city Christmas tree on Christmas Eve. </p><p>In 1872, Lehi's population was growing and the city decided they needed to widen the State Road that the Lehi Pioneer Cemetery was located on and build a railroad through the middle of the cemetery. Subsequently, many bodies that were buried in the cemetery were dug up and reburied in a new cemetery. Many families who had family members buried in the cemetery had moved and were indifferent to the relocation, but a few families asked for the bodies to not be moved. In the process of building, most of the bodies in the area were removed but some were not found and remain there today, including John Griggs White. </p><p>Following the removal of the bodies from the cemetery and the addition of a railroad, the land was no longer recognized as a cemetery and people could buy the land for their own property. Den Turner bought some of the land and built a tire shop called “Den’s Tire Shop” during the 1950s. Bud Nielson also bought a portion of the land to build his home around the 1970s. Den Turner eventually sold his tire shop to Don Harris during the 1970s. All three men found skeletons of the pioneers on their land while doing construction. In response to the bodies that were found, the Daughters of Utah Pioneers decided to build a monument near Den’s Tire Shop on the centennial anniversary (1951) of the cemetery’s establishment. However, in the five years that followed it became evident that the monument needed to be moved because the customers of Den’s Tire Shop were repeatedly hitting the monument while entering and exiting the shop. The Daughters of Utah Pioneers pleaded with the city for the monument to be moved and in 1958, the city gave a small piece of land to the Daughters of Utah Pioneers a block east of the actual historical cemetery for the monument and small roadside park. Currently, one can visit the monument of this historical cemetery on this roadside park located from 190-200 West State Street, Lehi Utah.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/387">For more (including 4 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2020-02-15T04:05:59+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:07+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/387"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/387</id>
    <author>
      <name>Natalie Carroll, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Mapleton, Utah&#039;s First LDS Meetinghouse]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>The first dedicated LDS meetinghouse in Mapleton, Utah was built in 1893. </em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/dbc6892c395952adcb3d5ca8b045f5ff.jpg" alt="Photo of the First Chapel" /><br/><p>The community of Union Bench was an extension of Springville, but the growing community that would soon become Mapleton hit a turning point when they built their first dedicated public meetinghouse for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day-Saints. Settlement began in 1856 and the small church branch met in a public schoolhouse located near the center of town. The schoolhouse, even with an addition made to provide more space, did not last forever. The branch was officially organized into a ward in 1888. Around this time, a larger meetinghouse was needed for both the school and the church.</p><p>As a new school was finished in 1890 and the church meetings moved there the members of the Church recognized they needed a dedicated meetinghouse. A committee was formed to find a building site and local member Matilda Streeper offered to donate one acre of land if construction of the new church began immediately. Construction on the church began in 1889, the church was dedicated in 1892, and in 1893 it was completed and meetings started. The meetinghouse was a stepping-stone into Union Bench becoming a town. As the new school and church were completed, the community pulled together to petition for township. As the Mapleton ward, named after a grove of trees near the canyon, made up a majority of the community’s population, the town came to be known as Mapleton, Utah.</p><p>The meetinghouse stood and satisfied the needs of the ward for many years. The building was sturdy and any hazards to it were swiftly taken care of, but as Mapleton continued to grow after gaining town status the need for a bigger meetinghouse arose. In the 1930s, the Great Depression hit the town and the population struggled. The church and town leaders worked closely together to combat poverty and support the struggling families by finding different work projects to provide work receipts that could be exchanged for food. One of these projects was the demolition of the old meetinghouse and the construction of a new one, which is still standing. The new chapel cost $35,000, half of which was donated by the local community. The chapel was completed in 1938 and dedicated for use in 1941 and is still in use today. You can find a plaque with a brief history outside the chapel, as well as historical photos on the walls inside which convey some of the heritage of the early Mapleton residents.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/390">For more (including 4 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2020-02-18T01:20:45+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:07+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/390"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/390</id>
    <author>
      <name>Logan Goulding, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Memorializing Mountain Meadows]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>This monument honoring the victims of the Mountain Meadows Massacre is a sober one. It tells a story of fear, radicalism, and tragedy. </em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/52f1afbf2035519af22f18d37ca1543e.jpg" alt="Mountain Meadows Massacre Monument" /><br/><p>In the mid-1850s, the Mormons of Utah were not on friendly terms with the United States of America. Previous persecutions from the government caused Mormons to be distrustful of the United States. The United States saw the Mormon theocracy that existed in Utah and feared its disloyalty. This caused the Utah War, a cold war between the territorial and federal governments. Droughts and pestilence in the mid-1850s caused an extremist movement in Utah called the Mormon Reformation with powerful rhetoric, including a religious capital punishment. The atmosphere of Utah at the time was hostile. </p><p>The Baker-Fancher party of emigrant families was passing through the Southern end of Utah and rumors went with them. Local Mormons feared their intentions and assembled militia and local Paiutes to attack. In a series of attacks from September 7-11, 1857, 120 men, women, and children were killed, leaving only 17 small children alive. After much controversy over who was at fault for the massacre and the extensive efforts to cover up and understand, John D. Lee, one of the men who led the assault, was ultimately convicted and sentenced to death. </p><p>The first monument was built by James H. Carleton in 1859 when he was investigating the massacre for the United States. In shock of what he had seen, he felt the need to build a monument by stacking stones atop one another with a cross at the top. The monument was repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt over the years. Calls for a more honorable and permanent monument were made by the descendants of the Baker-Fancher party and Mormon President Gordon B. Hinckley. While the permanent monument was being built in August 1999, a backhoe dug up the bones of 28 massacre victims. Much controversy went behind whether to study them or to honor them through reburial in time for the dedication. Utah Governor Mike Lee made the decision to not spoil the commemoration of the dead with controversy. The decision was made to honor the dead and allow for the healing of old wounds. </p><p>Historian Levi Peterson likens learning about the massacre to a Greek tragedy. Tragedies tell a story of an honorable hero who falls under a gross misunderstanding. When we view another in the midst of a tragedy, we are capable of escaping our own tragic emotions and seek for healing through catharsis. As one views this monument, one may come seeking healing of their own mistakes.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/9">For more (including 4 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-01-11T00:17:39+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:58+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/9"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/9</id>
    <author>
      <name>Jason Colver, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Nine Mile Canyon]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>With a length of more than 40 miles, the deceptively named Nine Mile Canyon is a tourist destination of eastern Utah that winds through Carbon and Duchene Counties. While the rock walls and greenery of the canyon can be breathtaking, the true pull for both archeologists and the average visitor is the clear evidence of an ancient civilization. The Fremont Indians left behind art on the rock walls of the canyon that has been remarkably well-preserved. This art provides a glimpse into an ancient culture that has left no written records.</p></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/f5e88aaa9c609feed26e3dc94eb3e0d9.jpg" alt="The Great Hunt
" /><br/><p>Evidence of the Fremont culture is largely found in an area of land in eastern-central Utah about 200 miles long and 100 miles wide. The Fremont people lived in the area of Nine Mile Canyon between 900 and 1250 AD and subsisted off of a mixture of farming and a more traditional hunter-gatherer lifestyle. Because of this, the vast majority of the artifacts that have been found were located in areas with easy access to water for irrigation purposes. Nine Mile Canyon adequately served this purpose as it was formed by and still contains Nine Mile Creek, a minor water source that is nevertheless important as it is one of the only reliable, year-round sources of water in the region.</p><p>Some of the best examples of Fremont habitation sites that have been studied are located in Nine Mile Canyon. The villages were never large although they were often located close together. Many times, they were located on elevated sites close to farmable land. While the Fremont made several distinct types of buildings, the most common and representative is the pithouse. These houses which vary in size and depth were dug into the soil, walled up with adobe, and covered with a roof which also served as an entrance. Several examples of these houses are found along Minnie Maud Creek in Nine Mile Canyon.</p><p>The greatest attraction of Nine Mile Canyon, and what has caused it to be called “The World’s Largest Art Gallery”, is the abundance of petroglyphs carved and painted on the walls of the canyon. With over 1,000 rock art sites in the canyon and more than 10,000 individual images, the canyon is one of the most densely concentrated example of rock art in North America. Many of these petroglyphs are remarkably well preserved. The pictographs display a wide variety of figures and activities, including trapezoidal humanoid figures, hunting parties, snakes, and large animals. While the exact purpose of the art cannot be discerned, it is clear that there was a high degree of skill involved in creating the images. </p><p>Since the first settlement of the area by Euro Americans in the 1880s, the petroglyphs and archeological evidence of the Fremont culture have fascinated and amazed. Many of the first settlers in the region were Latter-day Saints. When seeing the petroglyphs for the first time, they were interpreted as evidence of peoples described in the Book of Mormon. In time, the analysis of the rock art has become more scientific and notable archeologists, such as John Gillin, have spent much of their life work analysing the slab and pit houses and other artifacts that the ancient culture left behind. The rock art, as well as the natural beauty of the area, has also attracted many amateur archeologists and tourists. While heavy dust from industrial traffic on unpaved roads has threatened the petroglyphs that set Nine Mile Canyon apart, a newly completed paving project has helped to ensure that the artifacts that have provided such a great opportunity to study will remain for future generations to admire and wonder at.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/308">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2019-02-22T07:59:49+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:05+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/308"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/308</id>
    <author>
      <name>Savannah Blau, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Ogden’s Bustling Base: Hill Air Force Base]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>Considered one of Utah’s largest employers, Hill AFB has had a significant role in shaping the economy and development of Ogden and surrounding municipalities. The base has also served as a means of fostering greater cooperation between Utahans and the US military.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/b07a41bef4ba6af8e96569e8fffa2e7a.jpg" alt="1940 Groundbreaking Ceremony for Hill Field" /><br/><p>Prominently located a mere 30 miles north of Salt Lake City, Hill Air Force Base has become a remarkable feature of Utah’s landscape. Even before its gates opened in 1940, its construction as a Works Progress Administration (WPA) project provided economic grown and prosperity to the region. The base also served as a symbol of changing relationships between Utah locals, the federal government, and the United States military. </p><p>The local and military relationship that existed throughout Utah’s early history can only be described as contentious. Conflicts between Army commanders seeking to increase the military and therefore federal influence in Utah Territory frequently butted heads with the Mormon majority that dominated territorial government and law. Though tensions would decrease, allowing for Utah’s admission as a state, the isolationist and self-sufficient attitudes that were uniquely Mormon would persisted into the 20th century. </p><p>Utah’s limited economic diversity and general reliance on agriculture left much of the state’s population vulnerable to the effects of the Great Depression. In the mid-1930s, the Army Air Corps began expressing interest in building an Air Depot in the Intermountain West, believing an inland position would keep it safe from coastal attacks. Excitement spread throughout Utah as the prospect of the base promised further economic relief and, more importantly, growth. Cities throughout Utah expressed interest in hosting the new Air Base, but none with as much enthusiasm and determination as the local leaders of Ogden, without whom the base might never have been built.</p><p>The promise of full cooperation by Ogden’s leaders and donation of land near the already established Ogden Arsenal brought wavering federal attention for the project back to Utah. A combination of Works Progress Administration and defense funds totaling $30 million were allocated to the construction of the base, and by the end of 1943, Hill Field had become the largest civilian employer in the state. What little opposition that did arise with the base’s construction was limited to criticism of its location in Ogden as opposed to spots in the Salt Lake and Utah Counties.</p><p>During World War II, Hill’s responsibilities consisted of aircraft supply and maintenance, and expanded to include missiles in 1959, when the base received the assignment to manage the Minuteman Intercontinental Ballistic Missile. Just as the base’s responsibilities were expanding, so too were the communities surrounding the base. Housing and transportation shortages prompted rapid growth and development in Ogden and surrounding municipalities.</p><p>Today Hill Air Force Base continues to be one of the largest employers in Utah and a necessary supporting fixture to many businesses in Ogden. While the massive base closures in 1995 brought uncertainty for the base’s future, many have taken comfort in Hill’s assignment as the depot for the Navy, Marine, and Air Force variants of the F-35. It is anticipated that the F-35 will maintain Hill’s significance with the Air Force as whole, keeping the base a permanent fixture in Utah.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/43">For more (including 5 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-05-09T00:02:22+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:58+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/43"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/43</id>
    <author>
      <name>Sarah L. Woolley, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Preserving Mesa Verde: Mesa Verde Perservation]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>The creation of Mesa Verde National Park was a struggle that required the combined efforts of thousands of people who truly believed in the conservation of our nation’s cultural heritage.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/5ac1d1e97033cd5d423891c8f45fd6d5.jpg" alt="Virginia McClurg" /><br/><p>The Ancestral Puebloans</p><p>Mesa Verde National Park is a world heritage site located in Montezuma County, Colorado. Among these ruins lived the Ancestral Puebloan Native Americans. Though historians disagree as to when this culture emerged, the common belief is that the first traces of this culture were seen around the 12th century B.C.E. However, by the time the Spanish made the first explorations into the region, they had migrated southward and no longer inhabited the cliff dwellings at Mesa Verde. The most famous structures of the site are Cliff Palace and Spruce Tree House, containing many dwellings, ladders, and kivas (circular pits used for ceremonial purposes). </p><p>The Importance of Preservation</p><p>While the culture and lifestyle of these people is both fascinating and shrouded in mystery, the purpose of this writeup will be to analyze the history of those who fought to preserve these ruins, as their efforts should not go unnoticed. Mesa Verde National Park was officially founded in 1906, and contains some of the best-preserved Ancestral Puebloan ruins that are in existence. Containing what is generally thought to be the largest cliff dwelling in North America, this site is a favorite for people who have interest in the ancient cliff-dwelling peoples of the region. The site has become a favorite of thousands of people who live in the American West, though this has not happened without much struggle and difficulty. The preservation of archeological remains is a highly controversial topic in American politics and history, and Mesa Verde is no exception. Through the tireless efforts of various archeological organizations, government agencies, and private citizens, this historical gem has been preserved. While there is widespread belief that president Theodore Roosevelt was the driving force behind the preservation of Mesa Verde, there were many unsung heroes who strove to make the ruins a national park and to keep it alive, vibrant, and intact for the benefit of people today.</p><p>The Unheard Crusaders</p><p>Virginia McClurg, a correspondent for the New York Daily Graphic, moved to Colorado Springs, Colorado in 1877 and began to take interest in the ruins. She organized thousands of women and founded the Colorado Cliff Dwellings Association which fought for the preservation of the ruins at Mesa Verde. While many of her goals were not realized, she was able to raise national and international interest in the site and facilitated the passing of the bill that officially designated Mesa Verde as a national park. However, the war was not yet won. The ruins were still only that: ruins. Jesse Walter Fewkes soon stepped in and began to survey the park in order for repairs to be made and the park to be put in working condition. During the Great Depression, the CCC was an essential force in making repairs and building roads. In more modern times, Mesa Verde joined UNESCO in 1978 as a world heritage cultural site.</p><p>Overall, the struggle to preserve Mesa Verde cannot be attributed to one person alone. While many recognize Theodore Roosevelt as the driving force behind preserving the park, there are many others who gave themselves to the effort. Their contributions should not go unrecognized, but should be celebrated. </p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/46">For more (including 2 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-05-22T18:05:07+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:58+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/46"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/46</id>
    <author>
      <name>Nathan K. May, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Resiliency in Historic Bluff Utah: An analysis of the history of Bluff, Utah, including the Hole-in-the-Rock expedition, the settlement of Bluff, and Bluff in the 20th century.]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>The history of Bluff, Utah provides a case study in resiliency.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/4841867b4f3971d64b232a811e9f10be.jpg" alt="Highway entrance to Bluff" /><br/><p>The white pioneer settlers who trekked to Bluff Utah in 1880 overcame tremendous challenges to simply arrive at their intended destination. The voyage across the state from Salt Lake City was a long and arduous one. Josephine "Aunt Jody" Woods lamented, "The life was frightened right out of us all. I don't know what they call this place but I call it the Devil's Twist & that is a Sunday name for it. For of all the roads on earth, I don't think there is any worse than they are [here]. It is no earthly use for me to try to describe the road or the county. It is the most god forsaken & wild [looking] country that was ever traveled." One stage in the journey required the blasting of a large hole cliffside rocks, and lowering wagons down the steep decline to the Colorado River - a site known as "Hole in the Rock." Despite the difficulties, the journey was made without a single loss of life. </p><p>Once they reached the site they would call Bluff, the pioneers had many difficulties that included facing the environment and the Native Americans that were there. The river had to be tamed, resources gathered, and buildings constructed. All of these proved difficult, but possible for the pioneers. Irrigation needed to be erected to create land suitable for farming, but was repeatedly washed away when the floods rose. The early settlers lived in constant fear of the river. "I remember about the river. We used to be so deathly afraid of that river because at that time we had so much flooding. We were scared to death the town was going to be washed away. It just started cutting in so bad that it was almost up to the houses," recalled Nadine Adams. </p><p>They were also in constant fear of the Native peoples of the region. Concerning Native theft of livestock, Albert Lyman related, "Eleven of the horses had been stolen from Bluff, and two of them had been gone a year. When the Indians saw the intention of the white men to claim these horses, they sent up a yell, and guns flashed quickly into sight." </p><p>The resilient residents continued to face difficulty into the 20th century as their economy faced various boom-bust cycles because of shifts between agriculture, livestock, and mining. Eventually the town's population settled around 300 individuals. The journal entries of these people demonstrate both the trials they faced and their resilient nature in overcoming them. </p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/5">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2017-01-10T21:50:21+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:31:57+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/5"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/5</id>
    <author>
      <name>Ross Platt, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Santo Tomas de Abiquiu: A Genízaro Settlement on the Spanish Frontier]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>The town of Santo Tomas de Abiquiu, a Genízaro settlement established in 1754, served as a vital defensive settlement and trading post for Colonial New Mexico. The Genízaros who lived there—formerly enslaved detribalized indigenes—experienced the brutal life of the Spanish imperial frontier.</em></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/c051def285f42825c44765693e65a4be.jpg" alt="Abiquiu in the 1910s" /><br/><p>Throughout the second half of the 18th century, detribalized Native Americans known as Genízaros (pronounced heh-NEE-sah-ros) relocated to land bordering colonial New Mexico and Indigenous territory through a series of land grants from imperial Spain. These settlements played an important role in facilitating trade between New Mexico and Indigenous tribes while also providing a form of colonial defense from other indigenous raiding parties by acting as a buffer zone for the villages of the Rio Chama Valley. The Genízaro settlement of Santo Tomas de Abiquiu was formed in 1754 when Governor Tomas Cachupín issued a land grant to a group of thirty-four Genízaro families. The settlement was about 60 miles north of Santa Fe.
The Genízaros were both Indigenous former slaves and the descendents of former slaves. It was often the case that Indigenous slaves who reached an age of maturity, who married, or whose enslavers released them from their <em>rescate </em>(“ransom and redemption”) debt, received their freedom. These former slaves experienced minimal economic and social mobility. Most had to work menial tasks to survive and were often the poorest members of their communities. Some found success in working as scouts and interpreters, or in Spanish auxiliary military forces. Land grants, like the one that established Abiquiu, were one of the few ways Genízaros could obtain their own property and experience greater economic mobility.
As the Spanish imperials had hoped, Abiquiu throughout its existence served as a buffer against Ute, Navajo, and Comanche raids. And like other Genízaro settlements Abiquiu also became an important waypoint for trade with other indigenous peoples, and Abiquiu became an important frontier trading post. Thanks to a treaty of friendship negotiated between Governor Cachupín and the Ute people, Abiquiu became the site of Ute trading fairs, especially in the late autumn months. In 1786, Spain the the Comanche signed a treaty to further trade between the people of Abiquiu and other Indigenous groups.
Despite the important role Genízaro settlements played as a link between Colonial Spain and Indigenous groups, Genízaros and Spanish settlers had a fraught relationship. A series of witch trials, originating in Abiquiu and spreading throughout the region, revealed the tensions that existed both between Spaniards and Genízaros, as well as the tensions that existed between Genízaros of differing beliefs and cultural/tribal backgrounds. Genízaros made up both accused and accusers, and Spanish inquisitorial courts condemned many Genízaros’ traditional spiritual beliefs as satanic. In the end, the Inquisition never executed any accused Genízaro, but inquisitors did torture many and sentence others to perpetual servitude in Spanish Catholic homes, revealing the fragility of Genízaro freedom.
More recently, Abiquiu has been the site of important Indigenous land right battles. While the United States’ Court of Private Land Claims validated the Genízaros’ 16,000 acre land grant in 1894, some disputes over dispossessed Genízaro land remained unresolved for nearly a century. In 1969, the United States returned National Forest lands to Genízaro families, in part thanks to help from the Presbyterian Church. Later, in 2008, New Mexico expanded the land they recognized as part of the historical grant and returned another 32.5 acres to the Genízaro community.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/631">For more (including 3 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2022-07-01T01:02:07+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:13+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/631"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/631</id>
    <author>
      <name>Jacob Morrison, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[Spiral Jetty and Developments on Utah’s Land<br />
]]></title>
    <summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p><strong><em>Robert Smithson’s Spiral Jetty is a larger than life spiral that has been constructed at Rozel Point on the Great Salt Lake in 1970. Constructed from the earth on which it was made, the Spiral Jetty represents Smithson’s personal philosophies that challenged the boundaries of art and the relationship between nature and humanity. Smithson’s Spiral Jetty serves to represent a common history of the use and development of Utah’s land, specifically in regards to the early Pioneers of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints and Utah’s mining heritage. </p></strong></p><img src="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/files/fullsize/cd252d38c99380cc3de51de2d965df25.jpg" alt="Spiral Jetty by Robert Smithson" /><br/><p>In 1970, Robert Smithson constructed his landart piece titled, Spiral Jetty, at Rozel Point on the Great Salt Lake in Utah. Smithson is known as an artist who sought to challenge the role that art played in the world and the ways in which society defined it and being at the forefront of new developments in landart and earthworks. Fascinated by high salt content the reddish tone of the Great Salt Lake, Smithson ventured to its shores and was enthralled by the awe inspiring effect of the desolate and raw landscape surrounding Rozel Point and the ways in which the world seemed to spiral around the lake’s surface in an all encompassing manner. Smithson sought to build his jetty out of the same earth to mimic the powerful effect of the land. Smithson hired contractor Bob Phillips to use his construction equipment to move 6,650 tons of basalt and earth into a spiral that extended into the lake’s salty, pink waters. Smithson took photographs of his Spiral Jetty, created a thirty-two-minute film of its creation, and wrote an essay in 1972 about the earthwork’s conception and formation. In 1971, Smithson’s Spiral Jetty became submerged in the salty water of the Great Salt Lake and did not emerge again until 2002. Because Smithson employed the use of photography, film, and writing to capture the essence of the Spiral Jetty, the earthwork’s image and reputation did not drown with the sculpture itself. </p><p>Additionally, Smithson acknowledge the effects that time and the environment would have upon his Spiral Jetty and incorporated the transformative powers of the Great Salt Lake as a key element of his composition and entropic message. As the Spiral Jetty is continually worn away through time and the salty water, the spiral’s meaning, the world’s understanding of it, and its seemingly endless conceptual depth continues to develop and expand beyond the physical structure and embody the thought provoking intentions of Smithson’s creation. Emphasizing the earth’s connection to all life, Smithson presented his piece, in part, as an allegory for humanity’s relationship to the world, nature, and time.</p><p>Though his earthwork is unique in its composition, Smithson’s Spiral Jetty is reminiscent of previous usages and developments of the Utah’s land. Smithson’s interest in societal isolation and environmental separatism reflects the early pioneers of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and their desire to leave the world they considered to be sinful. As these pioneers relied on the guiding influence of God in their journey, Smithson relied on the transformative effects of nature that enabled the jetty’s evolution through time. The Spiral Jetty is also connected to Utah’s rich history of mining. Smithson was fascinated by the earth’s geology and incorporated such interests in his Spiral Jetty. Utah’s mineral rich earth provides the perfect landscape for mining and smelting and, as a result, the state’s landscape is littered with mines that extract its resources. The Spiral Jetty resembles a similar physical connection to the earth as is seen in these mines. The Spiral Jetty, therefore, evokes a connection in its similarities and differences with previous uses and developments of the land and represents the way that Utah, and the American West, is ever changing.</p><p><em><strong><a href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/311">For more (including 4 images) view the original article</a></strong></em></p>]]></summary>
    <published>2019-02-22T11:48:15+00:00</published>
    <updated>2026-04-17T19:32:05+00:00</updated>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/311"/>
    <id>https://www.intermountainhistories.org/items/show/311</id>
    <author>
      <name>Susan Keenan Redd, Brigham Young University</name>
    </author>
  </entry>
</feed>
